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PROCEEDINGS 



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CHESTER COUNTY. 



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IXTHiIGS OF CHESTER COUNT7, 



FAVORABLE TO A DISTINCT ORGANIZATION 



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PUBLISHED 

BT OBSXn or a meeting held at the house op J. p. M'CLELlAJr, 
IN WEST CHESTER, NOT. 5, 1838. 



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A MEETING preparatory to forming a ticket, having been called 
in the names of the Whig Standing Committee, for the 7th August, 
in terms which included the Antimasons, it was thought best to 
give the Whigs an opportunity of first having a separate meeting, 
which led to this call . 

WHIG MEETING. 

The Whigs of Chester county are requested to meet at the house 
of Joseph P. M'Clellan, in the borough of West Chester, on 
Monda}'', the sixth of August next, at two o'clock, P. M., to take 
the usual necessary steps preparatory to the ensuing election, and 
to effect a more perfect organization of the Whig party. 



Ziba Pyle, 
Emmor Thomas, 
Abner Garrett, jr. 
George Thomas, 
Joel Pennock, 
John Travilla, 
Emmor Worth, 
Thomas Travilla, 
David Walton, 
lleuben Pusey, 
Israel Pusey, 
William P. Miner, 
Samuel Irwin, 
Philip P. Sharpless, 
Joseph P. M'CIellan, 
Thomas S. Woodward, 
Townsend Haines, 
July 30, 1838. 



David Townsend, 
William Williamson, 
J. W. Townsend, 
Isaac Thomas, 
George^Brinton, 
John James, 
Ennion Cook, 
William H. Dillingham, 
Jonathan Valentine, 
Eusebius Townsend, 
Richard M. Thomas, 
John Tweddle, 
B. F. Haines, 
Jonathan Jones, 
James Powell, 
Hoopes M'Call. 



PROCEEDINGS. 

At a meeting of tlie Whigs of Chester county, held at the house of 
Joseph p. M'Clellan, in the borough of West Chester, the sixth clay of 
August, A. D. 1838. 

On motion, JOHN GILLIES, Esq., was appointed President, 
John James and James Powell, Vice Presidents, and 
Matthias Pennypacker, Esq., of West Bradford, and Paschall Morris, 
Secretaries. 

Mr. Haines briefly stated the objects of the meeting. When, on motion, 
Dr. Isaac Thomas, Joel Pennock, Thomas S. Woodward, 

Jonathan Jones, William Baker, Baldwin Weaver, and 

William Williamson, David Townsend, Brinton Darlington, 
were appointed a committee to report proceedings for the consideration 
of the meeting. Who, having retired for a short time, unanimously 
reported the following preamble and resolutions, which were separately 
read and unanimously adopted by the meeting. 

PREAMBLE. 

To obtain an organization of the Whig party in Chester county, and 
to consult on the proper steps to be taken to give strength to Whig prin- 
ciples at the ensuing general election, are the primary objects of this 
meeting. The former of these are considered of no small importance, and 
we would, therefore, earnestly recommend it to the consideration of our 
political friends throughout the state. 

For several years the Whigs of Pennsylvania have had no distinctive 
organization. Leaving to others the control of nominations and the for- 
mation of tickets, they acquiesced in a state of things which they could 
not approve, and endeavored to sustain their own principles by choosing 
between evils. 

The adoption of this course induced many of our friends to join in the 
ranks of the Jackson party, and led the main body of the Whigs to unite 
with and assist the Antimasons in the election of their candidates. Either 
alternative required sacrifices which were painful to make. 

As it is our desire to avoid disturbances and bitterness of feeling, and 
it is unnecessary for our present purpose, it might be improper to recur 
to the causes which led to this unpleasent political position: — but it must 
be admitted by all, that they were neither indiiference to our riglits, nor 
want of intelligence to advocate them. It is time, however, that this state 
of things should be changed. \n fifteen states of the Union, Whig princi- 
ples iliave triumphed, and the Whig banner floats victoriously over the 
prostrate colours of .facksonism. The irresistible y)opularity of that name 
which swept away all opposition even without a struggle, whicli overrurn- 
ed the settled policy of the government, and established on the ruins of 
venerated institutions, ihecrude experiments ofuntaught innovators, which 
mocked the vvi>dom of the fathers of l!u! government and employed the 



constitution of the country for the purposes of personal ambition — that 
popularity has not fallen on the present executive, and he follows in the 
perilous "footsteps of his illustrious predecessor," without the panoply 
which secured him from defeat. 

With harmony of action among ourselves, and a determination to use 
all honorable means to promote success, it is confidently believed that the 
next election for the Presidency will result favourably to the Whig cause. 
This is indeed ' a consummation most devoutly to be wished.' It becomes, 
therefore, our duty to prepare for the conflict. While other states are 
marching to the rescue of the constitution, and while the cheering shouts 
of victory are reaching us from every quarter, siiall we not lend our aid 
to the gloiious achievement of bringing back the ark of our political 
safety? We can not — we dare not refuse our aid in the struggle of our 
political brethren for the predominance of Whig principles. 

At the late session of the national legislature, the Whig members of 
Congress, having consulted together, unanimously recommended Decem- 
ber, 1839, for the meeting of a National Conventiim to nominate a suita- 
ble candidate for the Presidency ; and it is desirable that every state in 
the Union should be fully represented in that convention. 

If we desire to have an electoral ticket for the individual on whom the 
choice of that convention shall fall, it is highly necessary that we should 
be represented, and to be effectively represented by men of our own 
party, we must have organization. Without organization we are without 
representation, and must rely on some other party even for liberty to 
vote as we are directed ; therefore, 

Resolved, Tliat it is expedient to organize the Whig party upon a sepa- 
rate, distinct and permanent basis; and for that purpose, that a committee 
of seven members, also two secretaries and a treasurer be novv appointed, 
to continue in office one year; and that said committee and secretaries 
have power to call meetings of the party at such times as they shall judge 
expedient. 

Resolved, That we approve of the recommendation made by the Whig 
members of Congress, that a National Convention be held at Harrisburg 
in December, 1S39, for the purpose of nominating candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice President, and that we hereby pledge ourselves to abide 
by and supj)ort such nominations, as shall be then made. 

Resolved, That we have great confidence in the talents and integrity 
of Henry Clay, of Kentucky, the able defender of the true interests and 
honor of the country, and strongly urge his claims to the highest office 
in the gift of the people. 

Resolved, That we approve of the general course pursued by the pre- 
sent Governor of this commonwealth, having full confidence in his inte- 
grity and patriotism, and that we will cordially unite in his support at 
the coming election. 

Resolved, That the course pursued by our representative in Congress 
from this county meets our decided approbation, and that we hare entire 
confidence in his integrity and abilities. 

Resolved^ That in case of a change of representative in Congress from 
this county, the Whigs claim the right to nominate the candidate from 
their party. 

Resolved, That we will unite with the Antimasonic party in supporting 
a ticket at the coming election, upon the following terms, viz: 1st. That 



a fair and equal portion of the ticket shall be taken from the Whig party. 
2d. That the Whigs and Antimasons respectively shall name their own 
candidates, and that each party shall support the ticket in good faith. 

Resolved, That the Whigs meet in their respective townships on the 
day of and elect one delegate to represent the township 

in a general meeting of delegates to be held at the house of 
on the day of to form a ticket. 

Besolved, That the committee of conference and correspondence be 
requested to meet a similar committee from the Antimasonic party, and 
arrange the offices for which the two parties are to select candidates, 
agreeably to the foregoing propositions. 

Resolved, That Dr. Isaac Thomas, Ziba Pyle, Eusebius Townsend, 
Thomas S. Woodward, Amos Fredd, Townsend Haines and Edward Hib- 
berd be the committee of conference and correspondence ; that Jonathan 
Valentine and George Brinton, jr. be Secretaries^ and that John Tweddle 
be Treasurer for the ensuing year. 

Resolved, That the committee of conference and correspondence, toge- 
ther with John Gillies, Esq., John James, James Powell, Matthias Pen- 
nypacker, Esq., of West Bradford, Paschall Morris, M. Pennypacker, of 
Schuylkill, William Baker, George Brinton, jr., Hobert Fairlamb, Philip 
P. Sharpless, John W. Townsend, Joel Pennock, Jonathan Jones, George 
Thomas, Ennion Cook, John Parker, James M'Farlan, Esq., Benjamin F. 
Haines, Brinton Darlington, John Travilla, Jonathan Valentine, Jesse 
Matlack, Eli Pyle, of London Grove, Emmor Wurth and Chalkley Jef- 
feris, are hereby appointed to present the proceedings of this meeting to 
the meeting to be held at the Court House to-morrow, and request their 
concurrence therein. 

Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be signed by the offi- 
cers, and published in the Village Record, Register and Examiner, and 
Coatesville Star. JOHN GILLIES, President. 

a,, , T°"^ ^ ^' > Vice Presidents. 

Attest — • James Powell, ^ 

M. Pennypackek, > « ^ • 
T» n/r ? Secretaries. 

Paschall Morris, \ 



The objects of the foregoing meeting not having been responded to, 
the following call was made. 

WHIG MEETING. 

The Whigs of Chester county, who are favorable to a distinct organi- 
zation of the Whig party, on the basis of the resolutions adopted by the 
meeting of the sixth instant, are requested to meet at the house of Jacob 
E. Parke, in the village of Downingtown, on Saturday, the first day of 
September next, at twelve o'clock noon, for the purpose of taking mea- 
sures preparatory to the ensuing general election. 

Isaac Thomas, Amos Fredd, T. S. Woodward, 

Eusebius Townsend, Ziba Pyle, Townsend Haines, 

Committee oj Correspondence. 
.Tana. Valentine, ) ^ ^ • 
Geo. Brinton, \ Secretaries, 



8 

At a meeting of the Whigs of Cliester county, favorable to a distinct 
organization of the Whig party, held agreeable to public notice, at the 
house of Jacob E. Parke in Downingtown, September 1, 1838. 

JOHN JAMES was apj ointed Chairman, 

Robert Futiiev, Thomas S. Woodward, Joel Pennock, Jonathan 
Jones, Brinton Darlington and William H. Brown, Vice Presidents, 

Paschall Morris, Daniel Thompson, Morgan L. Reese and Elisha B. 
Taylor, Secretaries. 

On motion, it was resolved that a committee of twenty be appointed to 
draft resolutions expressive of the sense of this meeting, viz: 
TowNSENu Haines, Hoopes M'Call, William Williamson, 

Amos Fredd, David Townsend, Richard Pim, 

William Baker, Ephraim Wilson, Abner Garrett, Jr. 

Allen Chandler, Jesse Pusev, James T. Beaumont, 

George Brinton, Edward Gheen, John B. Taylor and 

Dr. Isaac Thomas, Gerard Cope, Philip P. Sharpless. 

John Gillies, Mathias Pennypacker, Esq. 

Who, after retiring for a short time, reported the following address and 
resolutions, which on consideration were unanimously adopted. 

ADDRESS. 

It is now nearly ten years since a majority of the people of the United 
States, actuated mainly by a feeling of gratitude for eminent military ser- 
vices, united their voices in favor of Gen. Jackson as the head of this 
great Republic. A mere military chieftain, without experience or know- 
ledge in national affairs, chosen from among better men as the most avail- 
able candidate to catch the popular vote, when elevated to a station to 
which his highest ambition did not aspire, became at once the dupe of 
the demagogue and the credulous listener to the sycophant. Since that 
period a series of measures have been pursued, all tending to consolidate 
power in the Executive, and radically to impair the constitutional bal- 
ances of the Government. The practice which had been settled by suc- 
cessive administrations, from the adoption of the constitution down to the 
period when he came into power, was made to give way to experiments 
of an untried character — the decisions of the Supreme Court were rever- 
sed at his dictation, and new interpretations given to the law and consti- 
tution consistent with his understanding of them. The veto power — a 
power never to be used except on extraordinary occasions, became a 
convenient instrument in his hands to control the legislative action. 
Without stopping to enumerate evils so repeatedly condemned and so 
loudly advocated, the results of which are so apparent in the condition 
of the country, it is gratifying to know that the Whigs have uniformly 
and steadfastly opposed them in every shape they were made to assume. 
Nor has their opposition been without effect. Although not successful 
to the full extent of their wishes, an ardent devotion to principle, by 
restraining the arm of power and limiting the extent of its means, has 
preserved the country from many of those pernicious measures which the 
madness of party, through its presumptuous leaders, imposed on its wil- 
ling subordinates. Although in a minority, they brought to the rescue 
exalted talent, untiring perseverance and disinterested ardor to the best 



9 

interests of their country. Neither the changes of party, nor the seduc- 
tions of office, nor the frowns of official authority were sufficient to divert 
them from their noble and patriotic stand in defence of the institutions 
of the country. 

General Jackson rode into office on the wings of a foreboding excite- 
ment. The statesmen of the revolution, who had assisted^in the estab- 
lishment of the government of '97, had gone to their graves. That body 
of patriots from whom former executive offices had been selected was no 
more, and a choice was to be made from the great body of the people. 
The appropriate reverence for the fathers of the constitution, was not 
transmitted to their children, and the success of party was made depen- 
dent on new claims to honor and distinction. Hence, we beheld a man 
selected as the chief executive officer without talents for the station he 
was nominated to fill, with no experience in its important duties, and 
with confused and inconsistent ideas of the policy of the government he 
was about to direct. Hence, too, we saw a party rallied to his support 
by fierce denunciations of his opponents, by appeals to sectional interests, 
by unmeanmg applause for his military services, and by impious adulation 
of his personal attributes. The consequences were foretold, but could not 
wholly be averted. Having by these means attained the seat once occu- 
pied by Washington, and relying on his unbounded, yet transient pop- 
ularity to perpetuate his authority, he directed his movements to the 
accomplishment of his objects, unrestrained by the fear of consequences ; 
while the voice of warning, the appeals of patriotism, the prophetic teach- 
ings of experience, and the thunders of indignant justice were unheard, 
amid the tumbling ruins of the constitution. 

In the national legislature, the usurpations of executive authority were 
met with the firmest resistance. Here the Whigs of the Union were re- 
presented by a band of men as fearless, devoted and intelligent as ever 
shed lustre over a country. They resisted every experiment of a reckless 
party while resistance could avail, and with the truth of prophecy warned 
the country of the disastrous consequences which would result from its 
adoption. No personal sacrifice was deemed too valuable to make in the 
glorious cause in which they were engaged, nor did any movement of the 
adverse party, however insi(jious, escape their vigilance. Under the 
broad banner of their country they were arrayed ; here they bravely con- 
tested every syllable of dictation, whether it came from the idol or the 
worshipper ; if defeated, it was here they rallied, and beneath its tattered 
folds they yet stand an unbroken phalanx, with their faces to a disheart- 
ened and recoiling foe. 

The contest, however, is not at an end. The adversary has possession 
of the citadel, and our exertions must not be relaxed. The outwoiks are 
falling, the exultation of triumphant coadjut-ns encourage us to the con- 
flict, and, strong in the principles which have heretofore sustained us, we 
must unite our strength in the common cause, that we may join in the 
general jubilee of victory. 

How is this to be effected ? In this State, the position of the Whigs is 
peculiar. About the period when Jacksonistn became the rallying cry 
of party, there arose another political phenomenon, whose discordant 
materials were drawn from every party, and the strength of whose union 
was hatred to the Masonic Institution. Here they soon gained consider- 
able strength, and becoming organised for greater efficiency, their first 

2 



10 

political movement of a decisive character was the selection of a ticket 
without reference to political principles. In this selection Masons were 
carefully excluded, whether they belonged to a lodge, or had withdrawn 
from all participation in its proceedings; while Jackson men and Whigs, 
those who cherished a love for the national constitution as expounded by 
the Supreme Court, and those who were desirous to make their great 
political head the sole interpreter of that instrument as he understood it, 
were placed side by side on the same extraordinary ticket. All the 
landmarks of party were broken down, and the questions arising from 
violated treaties, national injustice, Indian sufferings, war and peace, were 
thrown aside as petty trifling when weighed in comparison with the im- 
portant design of Antimasonry. This was a state of things as strange as 
it was unexpected. Many of the Whigs, unable to support this singular 
amalgamation, seeing their own party organization dissolved and them- 
selves utterly powerless, by almost insensible changes ranged on the side 
of Jacksonism as the least of evils, and as the only means by which they 
could successfully oppose Antimasonry. It is a question difficult to 
decide even now, when years have passed over us, whether these men 
were right or wrong. 

On the other hand, a large majority of the AVhigs of the State, seeing 
that the Antimasons arranged themselves in opposition to the National 
and State administrations, and being indifferent as to the motives which 
effected so desirable an object, with a generous sacrifice of personal 
feelings, united with and assisted in the election of the Antimasonic 
ticket. When, however, the first four years of Gen. Jackson's tenure of 
office was about to expire, and the Whigs of other States were preparing 
to contest his re-election, the Whigs of Pennsylvania knowing that Anti- 
masonry was limited to a few States, and supposing, as was reasonable 
to expect, that it would bring no candidate into the field, held a Conven- 
tion and nominated an Electoral ticket for President and Vice President. 
The result cannot fail to be remembered. With strange indifference to 
the public good, this singular party also held a Convention, nominated a 
ticket, and placed before the public other names for the same offices. 
Again, a noble and generous sacrifice on the part of the Whigs united 
the opposition strength, which otherwise would have been divided without 
even the hope of success to either division. We will draw no comparison 
between the individuals thus put in nomination; but we cannot avoid 
declaring that our confidence was unbounded in the ability, integrity and 
fidelity of our candidates. Since that election, the Whigs have formed 
no ticket in the State, and, with a few worthy exceptions, have been 
unrepresented in Congress. 

In this county, the Masons have. done every thing to allay excitement, 
which ought to be asked of honorable men. More generous than their 
opponents, they have believed that a large portion of the Antimasonic 
party were honestly alarmed at the institution of Masonry, and hoping 
that the suppression of the lodges would restore peace and confidence to 
the community, they have discontinued their meetings and returned their 
warrants. This course, we believe, would have produced the desired 
effect, had the leaders of the party been willing to give away the " spoils 
of victory" and the loaves of office ; but while they continue to command 
the confidence of their followers, we can scarcely hope for a favorable 
change. How then, we repeat, can we unite in the common cause of 



11 

free government with our political brethren of the Union? We answer, 
by tearing loose the chains which bind us to the fortunes of Anlimasori' 
ri), asserting our rights as citizens, and okganizing as a political 
PARTY. 7^o the accomplishment of these objects we pledge our best 
exertions, by all honorable means within our power, now and heacefor- 
ward. 

To the Whigs of Chester county we offer the hand of fellowship and 
friendship in the good cause, and call on them, as they love and rever- 
ence the justice of equal liberty on which our free government was estab- 
lished — as they value the name and glory of our common country, and 
the defenders of its fame and character at home and abroad, to unite with 
us in exertion, as they do in sentiment, to carry out our principles unpol- 
luted by the whims and caprices — the petty electioneering and official 
humbugs of any party. The present state of things in this county is not 
to be endured ; it is too plain that the Whigs are used to give effect to 
principles which they do not recognize. If it could be conceded that 
there was, in truth, no difference in principle between the Whigs and 
Antimasons, then, indeed, we might with propriety rally under the Anti- 
masonic banner. But so long as that party continue their denunciation 
and disfranchisement of a large portion of our citizens, whom we deem 
entitled to our highest political confidence, and carry principles into the 
election which are diametrically opposed to our sense of equal rights, it 
would be no less than treason to the great Whig party of the Union, to 
concede to their uncompromising demands. 

Resolved, That we have entire confidence in the patriotism, integ;rity 
and abilities of Henry Clay, and earnestly recommend that the Whigs 
of this county and state, take early measures to ensure his nominatioa 
for the office of President of the United States. 

Resolved, That we will support Joseph Ritner for the office of Gover- 
nor (if this commonwealth, believing that by so doing we will most effec- 
tually subserve the interests of our Whig brethern of the State, and that 
by the re-election of the present incumbent, we shall most successfully 
check the progress of Van Burenism, and the pernicious efl'ects of the 
doctrines and principles of the national administration. 

Resolved, That the meeting held at West Chester on the 7th ult. in 
refusing to accede to the reasonable request of the meeting of Whigs 
held on the 6th, violated one of the plainest .principles of justice, and 
that by following up their doctrines in the selection of a ticket, contra- 
ry to the wishes and in violation of the principles laid down by the meet- 
ing last mentioned, have forfeited all claim to our support upon any other 
grounds than that of chousing the least of two evils. 

Resolved, That we hereby pledge ourselves in future elections, not to 
support any ticket which shall not be formed upon fair and equitable 
principles, but that we will insist upon selecting such candidates as we 
shall deem our party entitled to, without the dictation or influence of 
any other party. 

Resolved, That it is inexpedient to nominate a ticket for the support 
of the Whig party at the ensuing election, and that we recommend our 
friends to pursue such course in reference to the candidates placed before 
them, as will in their judgments best subserve the Whig cause. 

Resolved, That the Whigs of Chester county, who are disposed to unite 
with us upon the basis of the meeting held at the house of Joseph P. Mc- 



12 

Clellan, in West Chester on the 6th ult.. be requested to meet at that 
place, in West Che-ter, on the first Monday in November next, to con- 
sult upon sucli further measures as may be necessary to promote the 
success of the Whig cause, and that the Secretaries give due notice 
thereof. 

Resolved, That inasmuch as false statements have been circulated 
with regard to the views and objects of our party, the committee of 
correspondence be requested to publish an address, explanatory of our 
objects and principles of action, to the Whigs of Chester county. 
On motion, 
Resolved, That the proceedings of this meeting be published in the 
Village Record, Register and Examiner and Coatesville Star. 

JOHN JAMES, Chairman. 
Robert Futhey, ") 

Thomas S.Woodward, j 

Joel Pennock, \ t^- n -7 ^ 

T T ' > I ice Fresidents. 

Jonathan Jones, j 

Bkinton Darlington, | 

William H. Brown, J 

Paschall Morris^ ^ 

Daniel Thompson, ! ^ t • 
^r r n > Secretaries, 

morgan L. Jteese, I 

Elisha B. l^uylor, j 



TO THE WHIGS OF CHESTER COUNTY. 

Fellow-citizens — At a meeting of our political friends at Downing- 
town, on the first of September last, we were instructed to address you 
in explanation of their objects and principles of action, and in contra- 
diction of the false statements which had been circulated. This meet- 
ing emanated from a meeting at W'est Chester, which had been called 
prior to the formation of the ticket, with a view to obtain simple justice 
to the Whig party in the selection of candidates, as explained by their 
proceedings which have been published. It should be known, that prior 
to this call they had exhausted their efforts with the chairman of the 
standing committee, to make a distinct call of our political friends for 
preliminary conshltation, without including those whose cardinal rule 
of action is opposition to Masonry. 

The necessity of this was felt to be imperative, from the consideration 
that a portion of the Antimasonic party had, last fiiU, refused to support 
the ticket regularly nominated in joint convention of Whigs and Anti- 
masons. We had seen the etiort made and extensively countenanced, 
to establish a supervision over the doings of the regular County Conven- 
tion. To the last it was insisted on, by a public meeting, that they 
would not support a candidate who did not come up to the standard of 
Antimasonic Orthodoxy. The result proved that they carried out these 
principles at the ballot box, and that a large portion of our political col- 
leagues did not hold themselves bound by the proceedings of our joint 
convention. So far from disclaiming all sympathy with the individuals 
who took this course, the officers of this exclusive meeting had received 
afterwards, marked tokens of the highest Antimasonic confidence, as if 



13 

purposely to reward them for their public stand against the nomination 
of '• Masonic Whigs," in joint convention. 

The chairman of the standing committee however, it seems, did not 
wish to have any separate consultation among the Whigs, and was able 
to impress his own views upon a majority of the committee. His call 
was so framed as to invite those who had thus recently given a public 
pledge, never to support a class of Whigs which includes Henry Clay. 
Such an invitation was deemed by us to hold out some hope, not to say 
promise, of conceding all that distinguishes Whigs from Antimasons as 
a political party. Availing themselves of this readiness to yield, the 
Antimasons did not hesitate, at their meeting at Marshallton, to re-assert 
their peculiar and distinctive political principles, in the very faces of 
the Whigs, and to proclaim these as the great corner stone of all politi- 
cal action. In accordance with this, they appointed on their committee 
to confer with the Whigs as to the formation of a ticket, the Secretary 
of the meeting, who stood pledged to go for no '• Masonic Whig," how- 
ever nominated in joint convention. 

We solicit now your candid attention to the proceedings of our first 
meeting at West Chester. We asked there, only justice to the Whigs. 
No one has a right to impute to us other motives or designs. The chair- 
man of the Whig standing committee thought it right to publish the 
proceedings of the Antimasons at Marshallton, with marked commenda- 
tion, and at the same time denounced our Whig meeting as " factious" 
and " disorganizing." A strenuous and persevering effort was made 
to misrepresent the motives and undervalue the patriotism of our move- 
ment. Our recommendations were spurned, and our committee refused 
all participation in the arrangements for forming a joint ticket. The 
result is known. 

Will any Whig in the county say, that after having conceded to the 
Antimasons the Congressmen for eight years, and the State Senator for 
eight years, and assisted to elect them, we should not have had our own 
choice in the nomination of these candidates? Can any Whig in the 
county be so blind as not to see that the great controlling secret of the 
late nominations was opposition to " Masonic Whigs ?" 

With such nominations before us, our meeting was convened at 
Downingtown, in pursuance of a resolution of the first meeting at West 
Chester. A committee of twenty was appointed to prepare an address, 
which received the unanimous approval of the meeting, and concludes 
in these words: 

" The present state of things in this county is not to be endured ; it 
is too plain that the Whigs are used to give eftect to principles which 
they do not recognize. If it could be conceded that there was, in truth, 
no difference in principle between the Whigs and Antimasons — then, 
indeed, we might with propriety rally under the Antimasonic banner. 
But so long as that party continue their denunciation and disfranchise- 
ment of a large portion of our citizens, whom we deem entitled to the -» 
highest political confidence, and carry principles into the election which 
are diametrically opposed to our sense of equal rights, it would be no 
less than treason to the great Whig party of the Union, to concede to 
their uncompromising demands." 

The meeting also thought proper to express their fullest confidence 
in Henry Clay as a candidate for the. Presidency, at the same time 



14 

that they resolved to support Joseph Ritner for the office of Governor 
of the commonwealth. They also adopted the following resolutions: 

*' That the meeting held at West Chester on the 7th ult., in refusing 
to accede to the reasonable request of the meeting of Whigs held on the 
6th, violated one of the plainest principles of justice. 

"That we hereby pledge ourselves in future elections, not to support 
any ticket which shall not be formed upon fair and equitable principles, 
but that we will insist upon selecting such candidates as we shall deem 
our party entitled to, without the dictation or interference of any other 
party. 

"That the Whigs of Chester county, who are disposed to unite with 
us upon the basis of the meeting held at the house of Joseph P. M'Clel- 
lan, in West Chester, on the 6th ult., be requested to meet at the same 
place in West Chester, on the first Monday in November next, to 
consult -upon such further measures as may he necessary to promote the 
success of the ffhig cause, and that the Secretaries give due notice 
thereof." 

It should not be forgotten at this juncture, that while the Whigs of 
Chester county have been assisting their Antimasonic political brethren 
to elect their Congressmen and State Senator for several years past, the 
Antimasons have, in the meantime, once defeated the election of a Whig 
Senator to the Congress of the United States. The Antimasons of 
Chester county have even gone so far as to adopt public resolutions, 
approving the course of their members of the Legislature who voted for 
Richard Rush, although they thereby gave the Senator to the Jackson 
men, in preference to John Sergeant. The only Antimasonic member 
from Chester county who voted for a Whig Senator, has never since 
been nominated for any office. 

Under such circumstances, can any reasonable objection be made to 
the Whigs meeting together by themselves, to consult upon such mea- 
sures as may be necessary to promote the Whig cause ? Are the Whigs 
prepared to concede the point, that no man who has ever been a Mason 
shall be elected to office, without going through the process of what the 
Antimasons technically call " renunciation?'' We appeal to the great 
Whig party of the Union, whether such men deserve to be ranked 
among their political brethren. If the time has indeed come, when, to 
call a man a " Masonic Whig," is the signal of political denunciation 
and political disfranchisement, what has become of our equal rights and 
liberties, of freedom of speech and of the press, and of our boasted 
principles of toleration ? 

ISAAC THOMAS, 
ZIBA PYLE. 

EUSEBIUS TOWxNSEND, 
TOWNSEND HAINES, 
THOS. S. WOODWARD, 
AMOS FREDD, 
Committee of Correspondence. 



15 

WHIG MEETING. 

At a meeting of the Whigs of Chester county, held at the house of 
Joseph P. M'Clellan, in West Chester, on Monday, Nov. 5, 1838, in 
pursuance of a prior meeting at Downingtown before the late election. 

JOHN MARSHALL, of West Goshen, was chosen President, 
John James and Buinton Daulington, Vice Presidents, and 
Allen Chandler and Ferdinand E. Hayes, Secretaries. 
On motion of William H. Dillingham, Esq., a committee of thirteen 
was appointed to consider and report the necessary steps to be taken to 
explain and carry into effect the views and objects of the meeting. 

The committee were, 
William H. Dillingham, Esq. Eusebius Townsend, 
William Ingram, Thomas Travilla, 

David Townsend, Esq. Thomas Vandiver, 

John Gillies, Esq. Matthias Pennypacker, Esq. 

NouRis Temple, Caleb Swayne, 

Benjamin F. Haines, Ephraim Wilson. 

Thomas S. Woodward, 

The committee having retired, the meeting was addressed by Town- 
send Haines, Esq., in an eloquent and appropriate manner. 

The committee reported the following address and resolutions, which 
were read, considered, and unanimously adopted. 

TO THE WHIGS OF CHESTER COUNTY. 

Fellow-citizens — In a free government, where the people choose 
their own rulers, we are necessarily divided into great political parties. 
This arises from the constitution of our nature, and does not necessa- 
rily imply a want of patriotism in one party more than in another. It 
may be conceded that few men would deliberately and intentionally 
ruin their country; and it is no less true that a readiness to make all the 
sacrifices which tlie public good requires, is seldom found. A govern- 
ment which constantly refers itself to the people, to pass upon the con- 
duct of their rulers in all its vast, and various and complicated concerns, 
requires not only a high standard of virtue, but a high degree of intelli- 
gence. 

We should be careful, therefore, neither to arrogate infallibility to 
ourselves, nor impute, unnecessarily, intentional error to our political 
opponents. 

Parties first took ground under this government, as Federalists and 
Anti-Federalists, with reference to the adoption of the Constitution. 
The latter soon changed their name to that of Republicans, and then 
again to that of Democrats, being the party who generally went against 
all concentration and perpetuation of power. In those times, the pro- 
minent points of controversy were Jay's treaty, the funding system, the 
standing army, and the navy — how much jealousy should be kept alive 
towards Great Britain, and how much sympathy should be extended to 
republican France. War came; the country was then agitated with 
questions as to its justice, and its expediency. The army and navy 
fought themselves into favor, the necessity for a National Bank seemed 



16 

to be demonstratedj the war ended; old party topics passed away, and 
the fierceness of party spirit was hushed during the administration which 
succeeded. 

When John Quincy Adams and Gen. Jackson were brought into the 
field, there was a re-cast. The former had left the Federalists and 
joined the Democrats, and the latter was held by many to have left tlie 
Democrats and joined the Federalists, upon the strength of his letter to 
Monroe. 

The popularity of the Chieftain proved too strong for the Statesman, 
and in the pride of his strength the Military Hero established a party 
of his own. He gave it the impress of his character and name, infusing 
into it his own feelings and prejudices — stimulating it to bitterness, 
and fierceness and wrath. 

The opposite party rallied under the name of Whigs, seeking first 
and principally to maintain the constitution, guard the currency, support 
the judiciary and keep alive the spirit of patriotism, as contradistin- 
guished from the selfishness of a clan. They have stood firm against 
the most terrific assaults — the Military Hero has passed off the stage of 
public life, and his successor would perpetuate his errors, without the 
power or popularity which gave them birth. 

Thus the two great political parties stand arrayed. The principles 
involved, one would suppose, were broad enough to cover the entire 
political field. Still, Nullification has had its day at the south, and 
Antimasonry at the north, upon grounds identical with neither. An 
effort is now making to revive the latter and force its adoption upon the 
Whigs of this community. This cannot be permitted. The party had 
its origin, as we believe, in a misconception of the importance of the 
Masonic institution, is ephemeral in its nature, and the excitement should 
cease with the occasion. To maintain, at this day, that Masonry is the 
grand cause of political evil, is scarcely less than preposterous. 

The Whigs of Chester county are forced, however, to take a stand 
and either sacrifice a portion of their friends, whom they charge witli no 
political heresy, to the demands of what they hold to be a political here- 
sy, or rally under their own separate banner — the great Whig banner 
of the Union. 

In such a crisis as this it may be well to recur a little to the first 
principles of government, that we may understand the character and 
importance of the issue. It will, perhaps, be found that our contest is 
for all that is valuable in the social system, and that it is impossible for 
us to connect ourselves indissolubly with a party which regards the 
doctrines and acts of Gen. Jackson's administration as political evils of 
minor import, less to be deprecated than the existence of a Masonic 
lodge. 

As Whigs, then, we hold that patriotism or love of country is the only 
principle upon which a republican government can be maintained — that 
private interest should always yield to the public good — that party is 
necessarily something less than country; and whoever makes war upon 
our commerce, our manufactures, our currency, the constitution, the 
judiciary, particular classes of men or particular rights and privileges 
enjoyed under the constitution, for the sake of parly, prefers party to 
country. 

The very end and object of government is to keep in check this spirit 



17 

of selfishness which predominates in our nature, and can only be re- 
strained by force. Society is formed to promote the common welfare, 
to protect the weak against the strong;, and to secure the jjreatest amount 
of good. It is upon these principles that men establish rights of person 
and of property, and band themselves together for their protection and 
defence. The very idea of government is identical with that of a great 
principle of evil prevalent in the human family, to be guarded ai^ainst 
both from within and from without. Armies, navies, courts and prisons 
all tell us that there is something wrong in our nature. That this prin- 
ciple may be successfully counteracted and man enabled " to pursue 
his own true happiness," it would be impious to doubt. But whether 
there exists any state or condition of society now upon ear;h, in which 
man has attained a degree of wisdom adequate to this high object, re- 
mains to be determined. All former experience has proved that man 
had not virtue enough for self-government; in those eftbrts which were 
most successful, bad men soon got tired of hearing a good man called 
" the just," and elevated those of their own kind to places of power and 
trust, until corruption, fraud and violence brought anarchy in their train, 
and kings were again resorted to as a " happy accident." This is the 
brief history of all former republics. Kings are but the acknowleds;- 
ment that men in all past time have felt themselves inadequate to the 
task of self-government. It seems as though thev would fain create 
something nearer to divinity than themselves in which to confide tl<eir 
destinies, throw around it an imaginary perfectibility, wrap themselves 
up in the happy delusion and enjoy their dream. It is the very spirit 
of idolatry. Still, thus have men heretofore deluded and sacriiiced 
themselves, bowing down in senseless homage to creations of their own 
wickedness and weakness. Many efforts have been made to rally human 
nature to a sense of its rights, and privileges and duties — to the honor* 
and responsibilities, the blessings and the glories of free government. Up 
to our own time they have failed — signally failed. The causes of their 
failure are handed down to us; it is our own fault if we do not avail 
ourselves of their experience, and take warning by their fall. 

Our experiment commenced under the most favorable auspices. Our 
ancestors brought with them to this country a degree of virtue, firmness 
of character and fixedness of principle, not common among the genera- 
tions of men. With their own hands they subdued the wilderness, 
planted the fields, and as the sons of the forest retired, identified them- 
selves with the soil. They had intelligence to know when they were 
oppressed, hearts to feel and souls to resist it. Schooled in trials, the 
struggle of the revolution brought out, and strengthened and confirmed 
their virtues. They paused for a brief space under the old confederation, 
but soon felt the necessity of a more efficient government. With the 
advantage of all former experience added to their own, they laid the 
foundations of this republic. 

Haifa century has elapsed, and they have gone to their rest. What 
is the result? What do we read in the past, what do we see around us, 
and what can we hope for the future? Does the spirit of our forefathers- 
prevail in the administration of this government ? Can it be made again 
to prevail ? Or, is this people also to be given over to " strong delusion 
and to believe a lie?" it is to be feared that the same tendencies nro 
here developed and developing, which have hurried all former republk* 
to their ruin. 



18 

It is time we should pause, cast about us and see if there is not some 
solid ground on which to take a stand and make a final rally which shall 
prove successful. As Whigs, we have sutlered ourselves, in repeated 
instances, to be carried so far by the notion of " availability,''^ as to have 
fiirfeited all right to complain that things go wrong. We should know 
and have been taught that politics and everything else go wrong, while 
we prefer the expedient to the right. We must abandon all expedients 
which are short of what is right, avail ourselves of nothing but what is 
right, anil go for truth and justice, come victory or come defeat. Tlie 
moral influence of such a stand, however it may not accomplish all for 
which it aims, will reach and restrain those in power, while there is 
anything left upon which good influence can operate. 

We must especially be on our guard against this constant appeal to 
the principle of selfishness — the ever-recurring temptation to prefer 
private interest to the public good, of which party leaders avail them- 
selves. An inordinate and insatiate thirst for office seems to have taken 
possession of this whole people. What else could have prostrated our 
excellent constitution? Rotation is the unceasing cry, and even our 
judges must rotate with the rest. Thus it is, too, that party claims all 
the offices without regard to the public service; and this is unblushingly 
avowed. A party has actually attained power by these means, and 
entrenched itself, as it were, impregnably, behind the principle — that 
" to the victors belong the spoils." Such a spirit, when once awakened, 
is not readily satisfied — it grasps at every thing. Power becomes 
stronger than right, the tlemocracy of numbers is arrayed against the 
pretended aristocracy of wealth, the rich made odious to the poor, and 
the mechanic and the laborins: man excited against his neighbor. Insti- 
tutmns which have grown out of tiie improvements of society and become 
essential to our prosperity and comfort, are assailed on the very ground 
that they increase the facilities of acquiring property and add to its 
security. To such an extent have the minds of the people been inflamed 
against banks, that not only have men who profess to be governed by 
better principles been carried away, but men of no principle, who belong 
to the better party, join in the cry of "bank influence," whenever it 
suits their selfish ends. This is but another variation of the war cry of 
the " poor against the rich," and belongs to the levelling system. It is 
all an attack upon the rights of property, and whoever reflects for a 
moment will see that when the barriers erected by society to protect 
one species of property are broken down, the assault will be turned to 
another. The multitude who hold no real estate, may be as readily 
excited against the landed interest as against banks, when it suits the 
object of the levellers to give their prejudices that direction. All should 
set their faces against such appeals, as destructive of the social system. 
He is no friend to the mechanic and laboring man who would thus stir 
up prejudice, and should be regarded by them with distrust. Who is it 
that gives employment to the mechanic and the laborer, and how long 
is it before the mechanic or the laborer may become himself a man of 
wealth ? We all remember that the man who accumulated the largest 
fortune ever realized in this Congressional district, began as a wood- 
chopper. There is scarcely a large estate in Chester county which was 
not originally acquired, and is not now enjoyed by the aid of the manual 
labor of its owner. The citizen who by his will distributed millions 
for public objef ts within our State, more than was ever given to the 



19 

public by a private citizen in any country, tells us in his will that he 
was a ••' mariner,'' and laid the foundation of his wealth by Ihe labor of 
his hands and t!ie sweat of his brow. It is the laborins; man and the 
mechanic who soonest acquires wealth amon;^ us. The capitalist is 
useful to the mechanic, and the mechanic makes himself useful to the 
capitalist, each reciprocally aiding; the other upon the true principle of 
the social system. Many a mechanic have Robert Coleman and Stephen 
Girard helped on to fortune, and many a furnace, house and ship has 
the mechanic built for them. If society were composed of idle capital- 
ists alone, they would, no doubt, tind it a sorry community and soon 
wish themselves basket makers; wliile a society composed exclusively 
of mechanics, wojild scarcely find themselves better oti", v.'ithout some- 
body to employ ami pay them. ■ 

Capital is the great spur of industry, and credit the jrreat substitute 
for capital. Where property is secure, honesty and industry give a man 
credit equivalent to capital itself. Industry and capital combined lead 
to successful enterprise, and thus are wealth and its attendant blessin<:;s 
acquired. Thus it is, in truth and in fact, tliat banks place the poor 
man upon a level with the rich. Banks are emphatically institutions of 
the people — they began with the people and belong to the people — thev 
have everywhere tended to equalize the distinctions in society, and 
wherever an aristocracy of birth existed have thrown it into the shade. 
Banks are the life and soul of credit and of comsnerce, and through these 
means it may be confidently asserted, have done more to improve the 
social condition of man than all other human agencies. They have every- 
where been the friend of the artisan, the mechanic and the laborer. 
They have everywhere been identified with the spiiit of liberty and 
regarded with jealousy by arbitrary power. They have everywhere ad- 
ded to the comforts and improvemeiit of society. They have been most 
frequently established by those who take most credit to themselves for 
professing democratic principles. 

We are aware that it has become unfashionable, of late, and mav be 
somewhat unpopular, thus to speak out in behalf of the banks, and do 
justice to their merits. Party has d(uie this. Ten years ago, who would 
have thought of dragging the banks into politics. Men came into power 
with a chief whose popularity gave lull play to his passions, they sought 
to use the late Bank of the United States for party'purposes. and failing, 
made war upon it — fierce, furious and unrelenting war. The necessary 
means which it was compelled to use in its defence, were denounced as 
an interference in politics; as though it were perfectly right for the politi- 
cians jo make war upon a bank, anil very wrong for the bank to defend 
itself against the politicians. The mischief which has followed is felt by 
all, and it is time there should be an end of it. A blight has passed over 
the land. Commerce and manufactures have been prostrated, industry 
and enterprise paralysed, speculation encouraged, thousands ruined, 
and the country kept in a state (d' anxiety and suspense, until all realise 
the truth that a sound currency is as essential to business, as the atmos- 
phere to animal life. 

The specious argument for a Subtreasury now to be forced upon us, 
is, to separate the government from the banks, and allow the govern- 
ment to do its own banking. Thus the toast goes round: — ".An Inde- 
pendent Treasury — whose officers responsible to the people, insteaihof 
privileged corporations, shall gaurd the people's money,"' &e. Now it 



20 

so happens, tiiat these corporations are established by the people, for the 
i;oo(i ot the people, and have no puivildges so irresponsible as those 
claimed for the officers of an independent Treasury. The people liave 
learned what this sort of independence means, to their sorrow and tiieir 
cost. But how would the argument apply to our private affairs. A dis- 
tiivguislied Sen;itor, for instance, addresses himself to a Chester county 
farmer who lias a tew thousand ('oliars by hir.i, for which he has no imme- 
diate use, and which he cannot readily invest. He says — '• Don't 
deposit that nK)ney in bank; give it to your children to keep. The bank, 
to be sure, has strong vaults and solid capital — is managed by men of 
integrity and ability; you have a good deal of stock in it yourself, and 
the money by being deposited there whilcr not wanted, besides benefit- 
ting your own stock, may help to give employment to the laborer and 
the mechanic, to construct canals and rail roads, develope mines, and 
build up towns and cities. But all this gives the bank power; indeed, 
the power of the institution is just in proportion to the solidity of its 
capital, the saie-keeping of its deposits, the integrity and skill of its 
oiiicers, and the good it does in the community. Now only think for a 
moment, if you should ask such an institution to appoint one of "your 
sons as a clerk, and should be refused, and feel hurt by such refusal and 
seek to bring the bank to terms — do you not see that the very money 
you deposit there, helps it to defend itself against you? On the other 
hand, here are your own children, not much accustomed to handling 
money, to be sure, and with no very good places to keep it in, but they 
can soon learn, strong boxes can readily be made, and as they are ail 
under age they are responsible to you; at any rate, the}-^ are your own 
cliildren, have stronger claims upon you than tlie bank, and will be 
delighted to have the handling of the money-" Th.e flirmer allows him- 
self to be persuaded — calls his sons, and says to them — ■=' Boys, here is 
a parcel of money 1 don't want to use at present, and I have determined 
to divide it among you to keep for me: John, here is five hundred dollars 
for you— Thomas, do you take five hundred — Richard, three hundred — 
Henry, one hundred, and keep it til! 1 want it." At the end of a fev/ 
months tlie father has occasion for a little monev and applies to John — 
John has lost his deposit. He then applies to Thomas — Tom has spent 
his; then to Dick and Harry — i-onc says that his was stolen from him, 
^nd the account of thb other may be, perchance, that tlie rats got his. 

We submit this as a fair illustration ui.' the grand sciieme of finance 
nov; presented to the people. 

Considering the importance of these great national concerns, we 
should be glad to see the politics of our county under happier auspices. 
The party with whom the Whigs have generally acted for some years 
past, in tois district, assume that all political evil is referable to Mason- 
ry, and that Antimasonry is the appropriate and only antidote. The 
fundamental error of their.political organization is demonstrable from 
the fact, that in some States they have uniformly supported Jackson men 
and measures. 

The Whigs of Chester county have conceded all that reason and jus- 
tice should require; they have for years assisted to elect Antimasons to 
office; there is no lodge in existence among us, and we cannot see eitlier 
polic}', sense or propriety in keeping. up this eternal war upon men who 
<tnce,p8rci)ance, were Masons- it is witli pain and sliame we have been 
compelled to believe that a portion of our friejids, professing to be 



21 

Whigs, would join in with the Antimasons in proscribing -anotlier por* 
tion. This has not, indeed, generally, been admitted, and is sometimes 
stoutly denied. Certainly it has been carried on by some process which 
does not meet the eye, and yet the fact is now di tinctly and broadly 
asserted by one of our county papers, on the very eve of our meeting- 
is commended as the true Whig policy, and even flung at us, as the basis 
of all past union. 

It matters not that this may have been done indirectly. When any 
portion of the Whig party consent to go into a convention for the nomi- 
nation of candidates, with the implied understanding that no Whig shall 
be brought forward who is under Antimasonic proscription, every thing 
is conceded; there is no principle left to distinguish such ^yhigs from 
Antimasons. The only difference between them is in favor of the latter; 
for while the one professes to act from principle, the other, confessedly, 
abandons his principles. So long as the Antimasons and Whigs con- 
stitute distinct political parties, and the Whigs are not permitted to 
select their own candidates, how can we act together with anything like 
justice to our own friends. What sort of a Whig is he who consents, 
nay agrees that " Masonic. Whigs" shall be excluded from nomination, 
and lends his aid to the proscription ? Such men may claim to belong 
to our party in Chester county, but they will hardly find their claim 
allowed elsewhere. 

These considerations are the more pressing, because of the uncom- 
promising demands of our Antimasonic brethren with regard te the 
Presidential question. We have once abandoned our candidate for theirs 
in Pennsylvania. V/hat have we got by it ? Another hint that we are 
expected again to yield. At their National Convention in Washington, 
where they could "hardly have had a representation from a majority of 
the States in the Union, thev resolved to adjourn to Philadelphia, and 
avowed the " unaltered and unalterable" determination then and there 
to nominate their candidate for the Presidency, to whom they would 
" inflexibly" adhere; and that they would give" no State a chance tor 
the honor, which should not send delegates to their council. They do 
not invite the Whigs to participate, and this " unaltered and unalter- 
able" determination is now again held up to us under the sanction of 
the names of the Antimasonic State Committee. If this can be carried 
through, it is not worth while, indeed, fur the Whigs to have any dis- 
tinct party. 

We rally, then, for a Whig National Convention ; and as preparatory 
thereto, for a WHiig County Convention and a Whig State Convention. 
We will attend no political meetings which denounce any portion ot our 
friends, and invite no one to attend our meetings who will not recipro- 
cate our fellowship. We arrogate no political perfection ; w'e have 
expressed our preference for Henry Clay, but will go cheerlully and 
cordially for any candidate the Convention may select. 

W^e have been complained of, and held up to our friends at h.ome and 
abroad, as " factious" and " disorganixino-," for the course^we itdt our- 
selves compelled to adopt in the late contest. W^ithout stopping to in- 
quire whether any part (if the ticket would have obtained a majority in 
this county but for that course, we believe that Gov. Ritner's vote was 
increased by it, while it is well known that as many Antimasonic as 
Whig votes were cast fur the opposite Senator^ upon grounds not poli- 
tical. But let -us examine the cause ofcemplaint. It is assumed that 



23 

because the Whig Standins; Committee called a meeting which extended 
to Antiinasons, and refused to call a distinct Whig meeting, tlie Whigs 
could not meet and consult by themselves without violating their party 
allegiance. But who authorised the Standing Committee to call a joint 
meeting of Whigs and Antimasons, or to invite the Antimasons to 
attend our meetings preJimlnary to forming a ticket. They were not 
appointed as the joint Standing Committee of Whigs and Antimasonsj 
they derived no authority to make such a call from the Whig party; 
the Antimasons still kept up their distinct organization, asserted their 
distinct principles, and distinctly proscribed a portion of our friends. 
The call, therefore, was tinuuthoriscd; any member of the W^hig party 
had a right to object to it and refuse to meet under it; and however well 
meant, a little consideration should have led our friends to see that, 
while one true Whig objected to it, such a call ought not to have been 
made; it was particularly objectionable, not to say otl'ensive, because 
made against the advice and remonstrances of so many \Vhigs. 

It is the Standing Committee, then, who have departed from the rules 
of party discipline; and if the term ' disorganizer' were proper to be used 
among political brethren, we humbly submit that it is most applicable 
to those who assume the right to invite men of political principles dif- 
ferent from our own to attend our meetings preparatory to forming a 
ticket, permit them to dictate to us who shall be our candidates, and 
thus endanger the very existence of the party. 

In a word, it is clear that the Whig party can no longer be kept alive 
here, without a distinct and thorough organization. Unless the Whigs 
of Chester county are prepared to abandon their principles, we must go 
to work. The great interests of the country call upon us to make a 
rally. We have every tiling at stake, and must incur sacritices, take 
upon ourselves responsibilities, and encounter difficulties, if we would 
preserve the institutions of the country. 

We make no war upon Antimasons — we merely stand upon the de- 
Jensivc; we have been ever ready lo do them justice, and we have asked 
but justice from them. While this is denied u^J.we greatly mistake the 
character of the Whig party if we can longer act vvitii them, and do 
solemnly protest acjaiiist the right of any committee to compromit us to 
the support of anything but Whig principles, and against any union 
which is not based upon eqticd rights and even-handed justice. 

Resolved, That this meeting will cordially and cheerfully support any 
candidate for the Presidency who shall be selected by a Whig National 
Convention. 

Resolved^ That we will unite with no party who do not yield to us the 
same justice, and meet us in the same liberal spirit which they claim lor 
themselves. 

Resolved, That the committee of correspondence be instructed to 
confer with our political friends in other parts ot the State, upon the 
subject of a more thorough organization, and to urge upon them the 
expediency of holding a State Convention. 

Resolved, That we hold all ellbrts to array one class of society against 
.another upon the ground of distinctions in property or calling, all inter- 
ference with the rights of property under the conatitution, all claims of 
otTice as the rightful spoils of party, and all war upon the currency for 
the benefit of party, as contrary to the vital principles of free govern- 
ment. 



23 

" Resolved, Tliat we regard the Subtreasurj scheme as the most bold 
and daring attempt ever made in a free government, to concentrate 
power in the hands of the Executive, and promote personal and political 
objects at the expense of the public welfiire. 

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to procure the publication, 
in pamphlet form, of the proceedings of each of our meetings, including 
the first call at this place, together with the address and resolutions now 
adopted; and that they also request their publication in such papers of 
the State as are friendly to our cause. 

After the adoption of the address and resolutions, a committee from 
another meeting of Whigs convened in the borough, submitted a resolu- 
tion which had been adopted by their meeting, proposing a joint com- 
mittee of conference. Whereupon a motion was made and adopted that 
such committee be appointed, and the following gentlemen were named 
by the chair: — Townsend Haines, Esq., David Townsend, Esq., John 
Gillies, Esq., Eusebius Townsend and Jonathan Jones, Esq. 

In pursuance of the last resolution, the chair appointed William Wil- 
liamson, Esq., Ferdinand E. Hayes, Brinton Darlington, John W. 
Townsend and David Taylor a committee of publication. 

On motion, the meeting adjourned. 

JOHN MARSHALL, President. 

John James, l ^.^^ Presidents. 

Jdrinton Darlington, 3 

Allen Chandler, 7 e ^ • 

ri J- 7 n CT r oecretaries. 
Ferdinand h. Hayes, \ 



J. Thompson, Printer. 



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